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Brussels Briefing No
33 Jul 07
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The Reform Treaty
INTRODUCTION
Ever since the French and Dutch “no” votes effectively killed off the ill-fated
European Constitution 2 years ago, the EU has been in a log-jam. For many
months, the usual suspects in the British press have peddled scare stories about
how any new treaty would destroy national sovereignty. But now the Reform Treaty
has finally emerged, those fears have proved groundless. In this issue of
Brussels Briefing, we examine what is in the new treaty and how it is likely to
shape Britain’s future in Europe.
The need for reform
The EU has been experiencing growing pains for years. Well before the 2004 round
of enlargement, the EU’s decision making system was creaking with only 15 member
countries, let alone 25 or 27. A first stab at reform was hurriedly attempted in
2000, resulting in the messy Treaty of Nice. But, it soon became clear that Nice
was simply not good enough. More reform would be still needed in an enlarged EU
of 25 and later 27 countries.
Shortly after the 2004 Euro Elections, EU heads of government finally agreed a
new Constitutional Treaty. It had been more than 2 years in the making and was
essentially a tidying-up exercise of earlier EU treaties. However, in several
crucial ways, it went a great deal further. It was called a ‘Constitution’ and
wrote into an EU treaty for the first time ever references to a European anthem
and a European flag. For some, these were steps too far. And when France and the
Netherlands rejected the Constitutional Treaty in referenda during the summer of
2005, it was effectively dead in the water.
But, the problems of decision making in a 27 member state EU were not going
away. They still needed answers. And after an 18 month period for reflection, it
fell to the German EU Presidency to try and pick up the pieces and deliver a
Reform Treaty capable of winning support in even the most eurosceptic member
countries.
The Reform Treaty
The Reform Treaty will streamline unwieldy parts of the EU. The Commission will
be reduced in size, together with the Parliament, which will be capped at 750
members. The present system of a six-month rotating EU Presidency will end. In
its place, the European Council will elect a President to serve a two and a half
year term. In addition, the new treaty will end the anomaly of EU foreign policy
being handled by two different people – one based in Council, the other in the
Commission. The two roles will be merged into a single position, though there
will be no new powers and it will not carry the title of ‘Foreign Minister’.
Crucially, for the first time ever, the new treaty will include specific
references to the protection of children’s rights.
The most noticeable difference between the new Reform Treaty and its predecessor
is any mention of constitutions, flags, anthems and other symbols that people
feel threaten the nation state. Moreover, the new treaty maintains British
sovereignty. All the UK government’s ‘red lines’ were retained and we also
gained opt-outs in important policy areas like law and order. The EU will still
not be able to dictate foreign policy to the UK and social security policy is
also ring-fenced.
Crucially a protocol was agreed on the Charter of Fundamental Rights to take
account of the UK’s almost unique common law tradition. Without that safeguard,
the fear was that the Charter would have handed lawyers rich pickings, but not
given British workers any new rights. The key point on this is that almost all
the rights contained in the Charter are already provided for in current UK
national law.
Anti-Europeans claim Britain has lost sovereignty because qualified majority
voting (QMV) has been extended to 49 new policy areas. Most of these, though,
are either very technical in nature or refer to policy areas that do not affect
Britain at all. For example, 13 relate to the euro currency and other areas
where Britain enjoys opt-outs. In his statement to the House of Commons on the
Reform Treaty, the former Prime Minister, Tony Blair explained Britain’s stance:
“There are 9 articles of genuine substance [where there will now be QMV] on
matters such as the implementation of own resources decisions, which it is in
Britain’s interests to have QMV on, because it allows us to ensure that
countries cannot block that; on the authorisation, co-ordination and supervision
of intellectual property rights protection, which, it is absolutely in Britain’s
interest to have; and on matters such as urgent aid to third countries and
humanitarian aid operations.”
What the new treaty will do is allow the EU to get on with its job more
efficiently and effectively. The QMV system will be altered over the next 10
years to better reflect the population of member countries. This will work to
the advantage of the UK. The treaty will also give the European and national
parliaments more powers to scrutinize EU policy. Moreover, all EU expenditure
will now have to be approved by the European Parliament and the Council of
Ministers, helping to make the EU more democratic. Also, the fight against
climate change is recognised in a European Treaty – another first and another
victory for Britain.
Is a referendum needed?
The new Treaty is much shorter and very minimalist, compared to the old
Constitutional Treaty. That negates any need for a plebiscite. Moreover, no
international treaty has ever been ratified in Britain by referendum – including
when we signed up to the Treaty of Rome to join the EU and the ground-breaking
Maastricht Treaty. Parliament has always made these crucial decisions. The
bottom line is that the anti-Europeans would have called for a referendum, come
what may. As Tory grandee Kenneth Clarke MP put it, “Eurosceptics will demand a
referendum on whether to accept the date on top of the piece of paper. They are
flogging a dead horse.”
Conclusion
An Intergovernmental Conference will finalise the details of the Reform Treaty
this autumn. EU heads of government should then give it the stamp of approval
shortly before Christmas. Despite what doom-mongers say, the Reform Treaty is
another important victory for Britain and our view of Europe and the world – an
EU of pragmatic policy making, designed to make life better for all its
citizens. Once again Britain involved in Europe has proved to be best for
Britain.
Gary Titley MEP
July 2007